“The New India” chronicles how this radical, supremacist movement — one that is emphatically at odds with India’s post-independence commitment to religious pluralism — has been so successful. Shortly after independence, the country’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, warned a friend of the danger posed by “reactionary and bigoted Hindus”: “If these people had their way, neither you nor I would have a tolerable existence.” Over the decades, the R.S.S. gained power through a potent combination of grievance-mongering and determined organizing. “I still don’t know how an ideology this stupid came to dominate us,” a historian of the R.S.S. told Bhatia. “It’s amazing.”

The national identification project is also linked to tensions around questions of citizenship, of who gets recognized and protected by the state. In 2019, Modi’s government announced a law granting citizenship to persecuted minorities from nearby countries — except for Muslims. Running through “The New India” is the story of Nisar, a Muslim man in Delhi who was almost killed in the ensuing riots. He was rescued by the sudden intervention of a Hindu neighbor: “He couldn’t explain why the man he knew had chosen to save him. It made no sense to him. Nothing about that day made sense to him.”

What I learned from Indian American voters in Georgia

The generational divide I found among these Georgia voters was not a matter of whether someone was a baby boomer or Gen Z, but whether they were first- or second-generation immigrants.

When I embarked on my reporting for this column, I suspected — wrongly — that support for Trump among Indian Americans in suburban Georgia would map onto support for Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, given the authoritarian impulses of both men and their notorious bromance. But when I asked people about this, they earnestly distinguished their sentiments about the two figures, regardless of whether they were voting red or blue.

I found a stark contrast between first-generation immigrants and urbanites who were born in the United States to parents from India. After Biden dropped out of the race and endorsed Harris, Natasha Rishi-Bohra, a 36-year-old health-care strategist in Atlanta, volunteered to become the co-leader of the Georgia chapter of a national women’s political advocacy group called Post March Salon.

And so, with just a month left until the election, Harris’s chances of winning Georgia are likely going to hinge more on getting second-generation progressives such as Rishi-Bohra to the polls than on underwhelmed first-generation immigrants in the suburbs and exurbs.

What is India's role in the war between Russia and Ukraine?

21 Indian-origin CEOs of billion dollar companies

1. Sundar Pichai: CEO of Google and Alphabet
2. Satya Nadella: CEO of Microsoft
3. Neal Mohan: CEO of YouTube
4. Nikesh Arora: CEO of Palo Alto Networks
5. ....

“What Is in Our Interest”: Ukraine War

India’s tightrope walk on the Ukraine War has been described as “strategic ambivalence.” Far from it—it actually reflects New Delhi’s deliberate choice, even if a constrained one. This decision to steer clear of publicly condemning Russia is shaped not by abstract concerns about the integrity of the world order but by purposeful Indian calculations about how alienating Russia might undermine its security.

The underlying reason for this asymmetrical treatment is that India now has a durable view of Russia as a “dependable partner.”

Hence, all that India can do currently is to hope for the best, while wishing that the United States too will perceive the long-term benefit of not punishing Russia so hard that Moscow moves ever more deeply into Beijing’s embrace—something Indian policymakers believe would be unhelpful to both New Delhi and Washington simultaneously.

Why do India and China Keep Fighting Over This Desolate Terrain?

More recently, Modi has been emboldened by India’s growth. The country’s population surpassed China’s last year, and its economy, while still much smaller than China’s, is expected to grow faster in the coming years. Like Xi, Modi has spoken of India’s ambition to reclaim its ancient glory and return to its status as Vishwaguru, a Sanskrit phrase that means “teacher to the world.” India now acts with an assertiveness it lacked even a decade ago.

In India, the voters have spoken. They do not want autocracy.

When the vote tally was revealed Tuesday, India's democracy looked to be in far better shape than anyone thought.

Mr. Modi’s party won only 240 seats, down 63 from five years ago, so it will have to negotiate a coalition to govern.

But the vote was in protest of Mr. Modi's autocratic and divisive ways, too. He has been drifting toward authoritarianism for years, but voters may have worried that, if given an absolute majority in Parliament, he would attempt to change the constitution to permanently disenfranchise some groups.

What's more, under Mr. Modi, social media platforms were turned into conveyor belts for hate against India's 200 million Muslims, as The Post reported in detail last year.

It is unclear how Mr. Modi will react to this setback and whether he will continue his firebrand Hindu nationalism. But now, at least, there are others empowered to stand up to his worst excesses, to prevent him from unchallenged domination and to return India to the best kind of democracy — one where competition thrives.

Allies back Modi for third term after election setback

This year's Indian election was the largest the world has ever seen. More than 600m people took part - or 66% of the country's eligible voters. Nearly a billion people had registered to vote in total – about one in eight of the global population.

Voting was staggered over seven rounds between 19 April and 1 June for security and logistical reasons. Much of the election took place in extreme and deadly heat as temperatures in parts of India soared to nearly 50C.

Why India's Modi failed to win outright majority

More than 640 million people voted in a marathon seven-week election, hailed as a "world record" by election authorities. Nearly half of the voters were women.

But the significant loss of seats for his party - more than 50 - dims the allure of a third term, especially given Mr Modi's campaign targeting 400 coalition seats, making anything less seem like an under-achievement.

Mr Modi has drawn criticism for marginalising Muslims, India’s largest minority, who have borne the brunt of violence. His government faces accusations of stifling dissent, with leading opposition figures jailed on what they say are trumped-up charges.

But third terms have often proved to be rocky for many leaders, with unforeseen and unpredictable events blowing governments and their plans off course.

Narendra Modi: India’s popular but controversial leader seeking a transformative third term

China Had a ‘Special Place’ in Modi’s Heart. Now It’s a Thorn in His Side.

In India’s own backyard in South Asia, China has used its vast resources — the fruits of economic reforms introduced decades before India’s — to challenge Indian pre-eminence, courting partners through infrastructure deals and gaining access to strategic ports.