India’s tightrope walk on the Ukraine War has been described as “strategic ambivalence.” Far from it—it actually reflects New Delhi’s deliberate choice, even if a constrained one. This decision to steer clear of publicly condemning Russia is shaped not by abstract concerns about the integrity of the world order but by purposeful Indian calculations about how alienating Russia might undermine its security.The underlying reason for this asymmetrical treatment is that India now has a durable view of Russia as a “dependable partner.”
Hence, all that India can do currently is to hope for the best, while wishing that the United States too will perceive the long-term benefit of not punishing Russia so hard that Moscow moves ever more deeply into Beijing’s embrace—something Indian policymakers believe would be unhelpful to both New Delhi and Washington simultaneously.
More recently, Modi has been emboldened by India’s growth. The country’s population surpassed China’s last year, and its economy, while still much smaller than China’s, is expected to grow faster in the coming years. Like Xi, Modi has spoken of India’s ambition to reclaim its ancient glory and return to its status as Vishwaguru, a Sanskrit phrase that means “teacher to the world.” India now acts with an assertiveness it lacked even a decade ago.
When the vote tally was revealed Tuesday, India's democracy looked to be in far better shape than anyone thought.
Mr. Modi’s party won only 240 seats, down 63 from five years ago, so it will have to negotiate a coalition to govern.
But the vote was in protest of Mr. Modi's autocratic and divisive ways, too. He has been drifting toward authoritarianism for years, but voters may have worried that, if given an absolute majority in Parliament, he would attempt to change the constitution to permanently disenfranchise some groups.
What's more, under Mr. Modi, social media platforms were turned into conveyor belts for hate against India's 200 million Muslims, as The Post reported in detail last year.
It is unclear how Mr. Modi will react to this setback and whether he will continue his firebrand Hindu nationalism. But now, at least, there are others empowered to stand up to his worst excesses, to prevent him from unchallenged domination and to return India to the best kind of democracy — one where competition thrives.
This year's Indian election was the largest the world has ever seen. More than 600m people took part - or 66% of the country's eligible voters. Nearly a billion people had registered to vote in total – about one in eight of the global population.Voting was staggered over seven rounds between 19 April and 1 June for security and logistical reasons. Much of the election took place in extreme and deadly heat as temperatures in parts of India soared to nearly 50C.
More than 640 million people voted in a marathon seven-week election, hailed as a "world record" by election authorities. Nearly half of the voters were women.But the significant loss of seats for his party - more than 50 - dims the allure of a third term, especially given Mr Modi's campaign targeting 400 coalition seats, making anything less seem like an under-achievement.
Mr Modi has drawn criticism for marginalising Muslims, India’s largest minority, who have borne the brunt of violence. His government faces accusations of stifling dissent, with leading opposition figures jailed on what they say are trumped-up charges.
But third terms have often proved to be rocky for many leaders, with unforeseen and unpredictable events blowing governments and their plans off course.
In India’s own backyard in South Asia, China has used its vast resources — the fruits of economic reforms introduced decades before India’s — to challenge Indian pre-eminence, courting partners through infrastructure deals and gaining access to strategic ports.