Japan's Era in Taiwan:
Effects of Assimilation
Mira Guo
MGuo03@sidwell.edu
The
beginning of the Meiji period in 1868 marked the first steps that Japan made
toward imperialism. In order to be able
to participate in global politics on an equal par with Western powers, Japan
slowly extended her territory, starting in 1895, with Taiwan. One of the terms of the Sino-Japanese War,
which ended in victory for Japan, was Japan's annexation of Taiwan, an island
previously claimed by China. Japanese
rule in Taiwan lasted from this annexation in 1895 until Japan's defeat in
World War II in 1945. Although there
were many political movements calling for reform and a Taiwanese parliament
during the Japanese era, these were not signs of strong,
militant anti-Japanese
sentiment among the Taiwanese people of the time - as a result of industrial
and economic development and public works on the part of the Japanese
administration, the standard of living for Taiwanese was drastically raised,
leading to pro-Japanese feelings on the part of many Taiwanese of the time.
Japan's Motives for the
Annexation of Taiwan
Though
Japan had an expansionist policy for some time before the Sino-Japanese War of
1894-1895, the war was sparked when China sent troops to Korea in order to help
the government put down the Tonghak Rebellion.
Since Japan's control of Korea would provide a foothold in mainland
Asia, which Japan desperately needed to earn “acceptance by [the Western
nations] . . . as an equal,”[1]
Japan also sent in troops and, after China's decisive defeat in the
Sino-Japanese War, dictated the terms of the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The original terms of the treaty included
the annexation of Taiwan and Pescadores by Japan; the lease of the Liaodong
Peninsula, an area near Korea, by Japan; and a war indemnity given to
Japan. However, since Japan was forced
to give up the Liaodong Peninsula by three Western powers, “Taiwan became the
only tangible booty that [the government] could present to the Japanese[2] public, some of whom had wanted Manchuria,
the lower Yangtze valley, and the Shandong peninsula to become Japanese
territory as well.[3] Japan had not planned to annex Taiwan at the
start of the Sino-Japanese War - she simply wanted to expand her empire,
especially into China, and used Taiwan as a back-up territory in the event of
foreign intervention, since Taiwan was the Chinese territory least likely to
arouse foreign intervention.[4]
Taiwanese History Before the
Japanese Era
Before
the Japanese era, Taiwan had little experience of a central government. Between 1683 and 1843, “there were fifteen
major rebellions against”[5] the incompetent and decentralized Qing
government. Finally, in 1884, Beijing
realized how militarily strategic Taiwan's
geographic location was and sent Liu
Ming-chuan to administrate the island.[6] Though Liu built up Taiwan's
infrastructure,
improved the economy, and raised the standard of living, he was recalled in
1891 and wealthy families reasserted control of the island in a warlord-like
fashion.[7] When the Japanese came, there was plenty of
room for improvement. In the 17th
century, the Dutch who controlled the island “started modern forms of
commerce”,[8]
while Chinese immigrants brought new crops and farming techniques. By the time Liu was sent to Taiwan,
agricultural production had expanded to the point where all flat land was under
cultivation.[9] However, even though he increased the
production of many important exports, opened and renovated mines, and
electrified Taipei, after his recall, Taiwan's economy stagnated for four years
before the Japanese took over.[10] There was an immense disparity “in income
and wealth, and the majority of the people were very poor.”[11]
An Overview of the Effects
of Japanese Governance
Taiwan
developed faster than it ever had before during the Japanese era. The economy was boosted enormously and the
average lifestyle was much better than it had been during periods of rule by
other countries. Factories were built,
starting the industrial revolution. In
education, Japan also strove to raise school attendance and literacy levels.
Indigenous culture was not suppressed as it was in other countries - the
Taiwanese were allowed to practice indigenous customs, and they were taught
about Chinese culture, just as were students in Japan. As for the political treatment of Taiwan,
Taiwanese were discriminated against only in the civil and military services.[12] Throughout the Japanese era, there were
political movements for the advancement of Taiwanese culture, free speech,[13] and a parliament in Taiwan that could deal
more effectively with Taiwanese needs.[14] There was political persecution on the part
of the Japanese, but there was not much resentment because of this since the
persecution reflected the norm of the early 20th century and general policy of
Japan rather than anti-Taiwanese sentiment.
Economic Gain
In
the process of increasing Taiwanese exports and improving commerce for
Japanese benefit, Japan set the stage for Taiwan's economy to boom. Japan built up Taiwan's
infrastructure, roads, harbors,
railroads, power plants,[15] and a sewage
system[16]
were built by the Japanese. The
Japanese also built factories.
Capitalism was introduced, and Japanese capitalist companies competed in
sugar and rice production with tenant farmers[17] and
“indigenous family farms and small-scale rice millers[, who] not only survived
but thrived in competition with [the] Japanese”.[18] The government in Tokyo played an important
role in boosting Taiwan's economy - the
Japanese government allocated about 37.4
million yen for investment in Taiwan's development
over a period of thirteen years, though
after eight years, reception of this aid was discontinued by Taiwan.
By 1905, 30.48 million yen had been used, enough to render Taiwan
self-sufficient.
[19]
Today, the original sum allotted would be worth US$20 billion, assuming a 6%
annual appreciation index, which is a low estimate.
Japan hoped to completely assimilate Taiwan
eventually, which explains why the government put so much effort into
developing Taiwan.
This
attention paid off - sugar production increased elevenfold over a period of
fifteen years, and the production of rice, another important staple, also made
a significant increase. These staples
were exported to Japan, creating a trade imbalance, though Taiwan did receive
some revenue and was therefore not grossly exploited by Japan as it was later
on by the Chinese.[20] Even so, economic production grew three
times faster than the Taiwanese population.[21] The economy grew to the point where it was on
the same level as Japan's, leading to a greatly improved quality of life; “by
the 1920s the consumption of meat, vegetables, and fruits . . . was higher than
that” anywhere in China, and "even higher than in some parts of Japan."[22] Also, "the death rate . . . dropped to 33
per 1000 in 1906, and to 19 per 1000 by 1940" due to better “hygienic
measures introduced by the [Japanese] government”.[23] For example, before the Japanese takeover,
there were only a few missionary hospitals, in southern Taiwan, but just
thirteen days after Japanese soldiers entered Taipei on June 7th,
1895, a hospital for civilians “with four Japanese army surgeons” was
organized.[24]
Industrial Gain
Taiwan's
industrial revolution occurred during the Japanese era. Around the 1920's, construction and
modernization of factories started, with "Japanese capital"”[25]
and technology helping the process.[26] High level Japanese personnel were sent to
oversee the industrial revolution. The
construction of factories not only provided more jobs but also indirectly
improved the quality of life for Taiwanese workers - Japanese companies
financed factory hospitals and provided treatment for Japanese and Taiwanese
workers alike free of charge. These
hospitals, of course, provided even more jobs for Taiwanese.[27] Although the "industries were owned and run
almost entirely by Japanese, . . . Taiwanese workers and lower managers
received training in skills that would later prove invaluable."[28] Naturally, Japan received the benefit of
more Taiwanese exports, but the economy grew even faster as a result of
industrialization, increasing in turn the standard of living for Taiwanese.
Education of Taiwanese Under
a Japanese Government
Some
Japanese educational policies may on the surface seem repressive and
discriminatory
against the Taiwanese, but if the standards of the world a century ago are
taken into account, many of these policies become reasonable. Japan is shown in an even better light when
the advances made thanks to the Japanese government in the education of the
Taiwanese populace are considered.
Classes were taught entirely in kokugo, the national Japanese
language. Severe punishment of students
who spoke in Taiwanese during class may sometimes be given as evidence of
Japanese repression, but this is sometimes taken out of context; students who
spoke at all during class would be punished, regardless of what language in
which they had spoken.[29] As for inhumane punishments, these reflect
Japanese standards more than prejudice; only six years ago, in Japan, a
sixteen-year-old girl was punished for wearing a short skirt by her teacher so
severely that she died. Furthermore,
when the teacher was given two years in prison, a petition for a lighter
sentence was signed by 75,000 Japanese.[30]
Japanese
policies’ positive effects far outweighed their negative effects. Schools in Taiwan were far more advanced
than those in China. Japan had nearly
"universal primary school education",[31] and they
brought this advantage to Taiwan.
Before 1895, the secular education system established by the Chinese
only benefitted the wealthy, though there were also religious schools. The
Japanese government established ""common
schools" for the Taiwanese . . . [that] taught modern science, Confucian
morals, and Japanese language." The
first middle school for Taiwanese was founded in 1915. Four years later, the integration of
Japanese and Taiwanese schools occurred.
However, not many Taiwanese were able to pass the language proficiency
level required for admittance into the Japanese schools. For the same reason, when the Taipei
Imperial University was founded in 1928, not many Taiwanese students were
enrolled. Despite these low numbers for
higher education, in 1944, 71% of school-age children were enrolled in
elementary schools, and an alternative to studying at the Taipei Imperial
University taken by many well-off Taiwanese was to go to Japan,
"where there were fewer ethnic quotas. . . . In 1922, at least
2400 Taiwanese were studying
in Japan, and by 1942, that figure had tripled."[32]
In
contrast to the racial identity of other non-Japanese peoples governed by
Japan, Taiwanese culture and history was not suppressed. In Japanese-run schools, Taiwanese students
were taught Taiwanese geography and history as well as Chinese history, just as
were Japanese school children.[33] Taiwanese students learned about the Dutch
coming to 'Ilha Formosa', Koxinga, the Sino-Japanese War, and the Xi Lai An
Incident.[34] They read Chinese poems, as did in students
in Japan, as well as Taiwanese poems.[35] The Taiwanese were permitted to carry on
local customs within their communities, such as guaahi, or gezixi in Chinese,
the Taiwanese version of Chinese opera.[36]
Political Tension
The
Taiwanese had not received ideal treatment at the hands of the Chinese
government that ruled them before 1895.
A common saying was that Taiwan had "an
uprising every three years and a
revolt every five."[37] Thus, the Taiwanese harbored little
resentment of the Japanese. There was
no hearkening back to the 'old times of self-rule' as there was in Korea
because before, it "had little sense of national identity";[38] there was no
previous centralized government with which to compare the Japanese, so the
Taiwanese view of the Japanese "depended . . . more on what they did than who
they were"[39]
— and what they did raised them in the esteem of their subjects.
The
Japanese viewed the Taiwanese as inferior, but this feeling was because of
superior achievement rather than superior race. They wanted to exploit Taiwan to advance Japan, but also had the
goal of raising Taiwan to an equal level for incorporation into Japan.[40] Japan established the two years between 1895
and 1897 as a "grace period" - any Taiwanese who did not "want to
be a Japanese subject" under Japanese law could
"have all the property [they could] take and
"go back to China."[41] The Japanese administrator Goto Shimpei
integrated an old village government system "with a modern centralized police
system."[42] This police force included
many Taiwanese
who were paid quite well.
Compared to the size of the Taiwanese population, "there were
fewer police in Taiwan than
in Japan".[43] Another sign of Japan’s concern was that
Japanese officials who went to Taiwan in 1895 were required to be able to
converse in Taiwanese.[44]
Despite
this cooperation, however, Taiwanese were treated as second-class
'nationals'. For example, priority for
employment was given to Japanese,[45]
who received 60% higher salaries in the civil service.[46] This resulted in Taiwanese working more as
"free professionals"[47]
in privately run establishments.
However, part of this salary inflation can be accounted for as
compensation for working away from home - Japanese often had to "support their
families in Japan, [as well as] go back"[48] to Japan to
visit them, and so this discrimination can be likened to the present-day WTO
sending employees to work overseas with compensation. At any rate, it was taken for granted. Discrimination would usually take place based on whether a
person’s last name was Taiwanese or Japanese.[49] Taiwanese also incurred an advantage over
Japanese, though they were not obliged to serve in the military. Then, in 1941, the process of assimilation
was accelerated to aid the war effort.
Taiwanese were allowed to take Japanese last names in order to make
discrimination impossible,[50]
and in 1944, the 60% higher salary was abolished, though Taiwanese were no
longer exempt from drafting.[51]
The
Japanese government in Taiwan was not free from experiencing political
movements against them during their era.
However, few of these enjoyed substantial popular support. The Republic of Formosa declared in May of
1895[52]
by the Qing governor in Taiwan constituted token resistance and had no common
support at all,[53]
since the Taiwanese "felt Japanese rule could not [be] worse"[54]
than the warlords who held sway at the time.[55] After a week, the general who led the
movement escaped to China and his soldiers resorted to looting commoners.[56] By 1898, the Japanese military was no longer
needed to maintain order.[57] The 1915 Xi Lai An Incident[58]
was led by a secret society formed by the former supporters of Zhen Cheng Gong,
more commonly known as Koxinga. When
the Ming dynasty was overthrown, Koxinga, the son of a pirate in the employment
of the Ming dynasty, took over Taiwan after driving out the Dutch and brought
Ming supporters as well as other Chinese immigrants with him. After his death, they formed a secret
society for the recovery of the government.
Then, after the Japanese took over, they tried to foment unrest and
rebellion, but were arrested.[59] Neither the Republic of Formosa nor the
leaders of the Xi Lai An Incident enjoyed much popular support.
After
the Xi Lai An incident came a period of nonviolent political movements — the
Assimilation Society, New People's Society, League for the Establishment of a
Formosan Parliament, Taiwan Cultural Association, Popular Party, and League for
the Attainment of Local Autonomy in Formosa[60] all fought
for "equal economic opportunity, legalization of mixed marriage, propagation of
Japanese language, more emigration from Japan",[61] "reforming
the government-general,"[62]
free speech through a press published by these organizations,[63]
"creation of a parliament",[64]
and "promotion of native culture".[65] The third of these petitioned the Japanese
Diet fifteen times over a period of thirteen years "for the creation of a
parliament".[66] These petitions, however, were not signed by
a prodigious amount of the Taiwanese populace.
This lack of immense popular support was caused by a tendency towards
maintaining the status quo; most Taiwanese standard of living was quite good,
even though its increase did not keep pace with the economic boom.[67] Even though the Taiwanese did want free
speech, seventy years ago, by the standard of the time in Asia, it was not at
all unusual not to have this right now considered basic and inalienable.[68] Even in Japan, there was a secret police and
there was no free speech.[69]"Also, many people did not realize "the
importance of assembly and congress," so the lack of support was due more to
lack of education and "ignorance" than to repression.[70] The Japanese obeyed the emperor as an
ultimate, divine authority, so the dictatorial rule in Taiwan was not so much
due to racism as it was to Japanese policy in general.
The Long-term Effects of the
Japanese Era
Due
to the many accomplishments of the Japanese during their era in Taiwan, many
Taiwanese today are extremely pro-Japanese and anti-Chinese. This sentiment is not at all
ameliorated by the mainland's present insistence on
reunification, nor was it muted due to
Chiang Kai-shek's treatment of the island after World War II. In 1946, inflation went sky high and there
was an enormous devaluation of the currency.
In 1945, the Taiwanese were using the same currency as the Japanese,
though it was called the Taiwan dollar rather than the Japanese yen."Only two years after Japan's departure, due
to the currency's devaluation, the government was forced to institute a new
currency, the New Taiwan dollar, which was worth 40,000 Old Taiwan dollars.[71]"This plummeting of the economy was caused
both by Japan's abrupt withdrawal from Taiwan and by
"ruinous economic policies
resulting from [Chinese] leaders' preoccupation with the war against the
Communists on the Mainland".[72]"For example, buildings, public and private
alike, were gutted so that all available metal could be sent to China." "Food shortages developed when large
quantities of grain were appropriated to feed [the Chinese army]." Public health services", public works, "and
the education system deteriorated." [73] The image of the Chinese suffered even more
when the Taiwanese were forced to speak Mandarin Chinese.[74]
Demonstrations
in early 1947 were brutally suppressed, with about ten thousand people dead by
the end of March. These massacres are
still remembered in Taiwan today as er er ba, or February 28th, the
day that the rebellion was sparked. In
the 1990's, a Taiwanese version of the South African Truth Commission was
established to compensate the victims' families for their loss, with US$100,000
or more offered as an indemnity.
Memorials were also built.
Needless to say, this violent suppression resulted in strong Taiwanese
resentment, and many felt that Japanese rule was much more desirable than
Chinese rule.
The
Japanese era left much more positive marks than did Chiang Kai-shek’s
regime. "Most school
systems still used [the]
Japanese" [75]
textbooks and language even after 1945, and economic and industrial growth
after 1950 built upon Japan’s legacy of modernization, as did the further
improvement of the quality of life.
Many older Taiwanese who grew up during the Japanese era are now still
more comfortable speaking in Japanese than in Taiwanese. An attentive observer may easily distinguish
a Taiwanese person from a Chinese person based on their view of Japanese, a
characteristic that is most indicative of the positive nature of the Japanese
era. Finally, the atmosphere of
Japanese assimilation and nondemocratic rule was conducive to the birth of new
political ideologies evidenced in political movements of the time. These in turn were the seeds for today’s
political atmosphere and signified the beginning of political thought in
Taiwan. It can be said that the
philosophy upon which the present-day Taiwanese independence movement is based
originated during the Japanese era.[76]
Endnotes
[1]John F. Fairbank et al., East
Asia: Tradition and Transformation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1989), 552.
[2]Edward I-te Chen, “Japan’s
Decision to Annex Taiwan: A Study of Ito-Mutsu Diplomacy, 1894-1895,” The
Journal of Asian Studies 1977 37(1): 72.
[3]Ibid., 63-64.
[4]Ibid., 62.
[5]John F. Copper, Taiwan:
Nation-State or Province? (Boulder: Westview Press, Inc., 1996), 27.
[6]Ibid., 27-28.
[7]Ibid., 28, 117.
[8]Ibid., 116.
[9]Ibid.
[10]Ibid., 116-117.
[11]Ibid., 117.
[12]C. Y. Lai, personal
interview, 7 Apr. 2001. Dr. Lai, a
biochemist, was born in 1930 in Taiwan.
His father-in-law is Cai Bei-huo, who was a prominent Taiwanese
political activist during the Japanese era in Taiwan. His political activity has been detailed at some length in the
article “Formosan Political Movements Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 1914-1937,”
by Edward I-te Chen. This article is
listed in my works cited.
[13]Ibid.
[14]Edward I-te Chen, “Formosan
Political Movements Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 1914-1937,” The Journal of
Asian Studies 1972 31(3): 483, 489.
[15]Copper, 117.
[16]Chin Lin, personal
interview, 7 Apr. 2001. Dr. Lin was
born in 1927 in the Taiwanese town of Huwei.
He studied in Taiwan from first grade through post-graduate; his
pre-medical education was in the Taiwan Imperial University, where he also
attended medical school and post-graduate training in surgery after its name
changed to the National Taiwan University.
His father was a doctor in a Japanese factory hospital. Dr. Lin came to the U.S. to practice
clinical anesthesiology in 1953.
[17]Fairbank, 897.
[18]Chih-ming Ka, Japanese
Colonialism in Taiwan: Land Tenure, Development, and Dependency, 1895-1945
(Boulder: Westview Press, Inc., 1995), 2.
[19]
Shih Min. Taiwanese Quadricentennial History. (Japanese language.) Tokyo:
Sin Cho Sia, 1974.
[20]Liang.
[21]Copper, 117.
[22]Copper, 30.
[23]Fairbank, 898.
[24]K.C. Liang, personal
interview, 7 Apr. 2001. Dr. Liang, a
malaria research pioneer, was born in 1921 in Taiwan, where he grew up.
[25]Copper, 117.
[26]Ibid.
[27]Lin.
[28]Fairbank, 900.
[29]Liang.
[30]Mary Jordan, “Reading,
Writing, Wrath: Painful Lessons in Japan,” Washington Post 7 Dec. 1996:
A1.
[31]Fairbank, 898.
[32]Fairbank, 899.
[33]Liang.
[34]Lai.
[35]Lin.
[36]Lai.
[37]Quoted in Fairbank, 897.
[38]Fairbank, 897.
[39]Ibid., 898.
[40]Ibid., 897.
[41]Lai.
[42]Fairbank, 898.
[43]Ibid.
[44]Liang.
[45]Lin.
[46]Liang.
[47]Lin.
[48]Liang.
[49]Lin.
[50]Ibid.
[51]Liang.
[52]Chen, “Formosan Political
Movements,” 477.
[53]Lai.
[54]Copper, 29.
[55]Ibid.
[56]Lai.
[57]Copper, 29.
[58]Chen, “Formosan Political
Movements,” 477.
[59]Liang.
[60]Chen, “Formosan Political
Movements,” 477-478.
[61]Ibid., 480.
[62]Ibid., 481.
[63]Ibid.
[64]Ibid., 483.
[65]Ibid., 489.
[66]Ibid., 483.
[67]Copper, 118.
[68]Lai.
[69]Lin.
[70]Lai.
[71]Ibid.
[72]Copper, 118.
[73]Copper, 35.
[74]Liang.
[75]Lin.
[76]Chen, “Formosan Political
Movements,” 496.